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DOI: 10.1055/a-1899-7344
Serial murder in medical clinics and care homes
Article in several languages: English | deutschAbstract
Background Serial murder in clinics and care homes have gained attention more than once in recent years. The strong yet quickly fading public outrage has not yet led to well-founded professional and health-political engagement with the topic. With few systematic studies conducted, knowledge about perpetrator-related and environment-related risk factors in the day-to-day context of healthcare is sparse.
Methods Court cases of serial murder in clinics and care homes in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland that were concluded with a final verdict by February 2022 were investigated. Research materials consisted of court documents and observations made during the trials. The cases were evaluated with regard to the victims, crime scenes, methods of killing, perpetrators, and perpetrator motives. 12 serial murders involving 17 perpetrators were included in this study.
Results Perpetrator-specific early warning signs included a pronounced insecurity in combination with a striving for prestige and power, which were accompanied by a loss of empathy. Reactions of the colleagues and supervisors of the perpetrators in the immediate professional environment included misjudgement, concern about one’s own disadvantages, feared damage to the reputation of the institution, and insufficient willingness to clarify the situation. As a result, many initial murders went unsuspected and unreported so that the frequency of the criminal activity and the number of victims increased over time.
Conclusion More information about serial murder in clinics and care homes is necessary. Research efforts are needed to better assess the prevalence of such crimes and to develop appropriate preventive measures. Circumstances that enable such acts, risk factors, perpetrator profiles, and early-stage countermeasures must be comprehensively addressed in the context of education, training and further education.
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Key words
healthcare serial killers - patient homicide - serial murder - killing without explicit requestSchlüsselwörter
Serientötungen - Patiententötungen - Krankentötungen - Tötungen ohne explizite WillensäußerungIntroduction
Series of killings in clinics and care homes have come to light in court several times in recent years[1] The trials have led to significant findings that may help in preventing such crimes. The prerequisites for results that go beyond individual cases are secure data, known facts, and consideration of the general conditions. Early identification of colleagues at risk for committing such crimes is crucial for patient safety. Yet, the trials showed that rapid detection was often hampered by the fact that colleagues and superiors – misjudging the realities – considered such acts to be impossible in their own institutions. It is therefore necessary to take a close look at the previous series of killings.
In clinics and care homes, the crimes are committed – unlike as in home care or outpatient settings – in the presence of colleagues or jointly conducted with the assistance of colleagues [2] [3]. Moreover, these are places where dying and death are common and such crimes are not expected to occur. Given this, it is therefore necessary to take a closer look at the serial killings to date.
In the German-speaking legal area, 12 serial murders with a total of 17 perpetrators have been legally processed. [Table 1] provides an overview. Worldwide, 57 similar serial murders have been documented: 19 in Europe, 18 in the USA and South America, 4 in Japan, 3 in Australia, and 1 in Canada [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9].
Perpetrator |
Country |
Year of Verdict |
Crime Scene |
Profession |
|
1. |
Mr B 43y |
DE |
1976 |
Hospital/Care Home |
Nurse/Deacon |
2. |
Mr D 25y |
DE |
1981 |
ICU |
Nurse |
3. |
Mrs E 27y |
DE |
1989 |
ICU |
Nurse |
4.1 |
Mrs F 30y |
AUT |
Hospital |
Nursing Assistant |
|
4.2 |
Mrs G 28y |
AUT |
1991 |
Hospital |
Nursing Assistant |
4.3 |
Mrs H 26y |
AUT |
Hospital |
Nursing Assistant |
|
4.4 |
Mrs I 49y |
AUT |
Hospital |
Nursing Assistant |
|
5. |
Mr K 33y |
DE |
1993 |
Hospital |
Nurse |
6. |
Mr L 32y |
CH |
2006 |
Care Home/Hospital |
Nurse |
7. |
Mr M 25y |
DE |
2006 |
Hospital |
Nurse |
8. |
Mrs N 27y |
DE |
2006 |
Care Home |
Nursing Assistant |
9. |
Mrs O 54y |
DE |
2007 |
ICU |
Nurse |
10.1 |
Mr P 47y |
DE |
Care Home |
Nursing Assistant |
|
10.2 |
Mr R 23y |
DE |
2018 |
Care Home |
Nursing Assistant |
10.3 |
Mrs S 26y |
DE |
Care Home |
Nurse |
|
11. |
Mr T 28y |
DE |
2019 |
ICU |
Nurse |
12. |
Mrs U 52y |
DE |
2021 |
Care Home |
Nursing Assistant |
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Methods
This study was limited to serial murders in which 2 or more unlawful killings of adult persons were committed in a clinic or care home by the same healthcare worker. Only cases of serial murders in the German-speaking area in which legal proceedings were completed by February 2022 were considered.
The sequence of events, the execution of the crime, and the legal processing of such crimes differ considerably in different countries and continents, so that only serial murders from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland (the German-speaking legal sphere) were included in this study. The evaluations were based on the written anonymized verdicts and observations of certain trials made by the author of this article. Serial killings were excluded in cases where the crime scenes were located outside of clinics or care homes, if the victims were children or adolescents, or if the criminal proceedings had not yet been concluded.
In this research, the anonymized grounds of judgement were evaluated. Victims, crime scenes, crime timeframes, types of murder, perpetrators, and the motives of the perpetrators were examined. The names of the perpetrators were anonymized.
From this analysis, person-related and crime scene-specific early warning signs and red flags were identified, which could contribute to minimizing the risk of recurrence.
Victim
There were 205 confirmed homicide victims in the 12 serial murder cases in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. The youngest victim was 31 years and the oldest was 96 years in age ([Table 2]).
Among the victims, 40 were care home residents and 165 were hospital patients. 90 were women and 115 were men. The number of victims per case ranged from 2 to 87. In 59 accused homicides, the perpetrators could not be definitively proven ([Table 3]). Given this, the actual number of victims was probably considerably higher. For one, the definitive determination of the causes of death was considerably hindered by long periods of time between crimes and a delay in investigation. For another, the memory of former colleagues and superiors was fragmented [10]. In the case of Mr T (case 11), over 130 patients who had died under his care were cremated, so that a toxicological analysis could no longer be carried out.
34 victims were killed on the day of their admission while 61 victims were killed during the first 5 days of their stay in the hospital or care home. Only in a few cases were the victims in an irreversible dying process. Some were on the road to recovery and were even to be discharged. The time of death was almost always surprising for nurses and doctors and the cause of death was very often not plausible. In many cases, the pattern of the clinical course just before death occurred was similar among victims. 32 victims had 2 or less diagnoses at the time of their premature death and could therefore not be considered multimorbid.
Although there was no characteristic present among all victims, most had multiple illnesses and were of advanced age.
The killings were almost never requested by the victim themselves. In 3 of the 206 proven killings, there was a conviction for killing by the request of the victim (cases 3, 7, 8) ([Table 4]). It is unknown whether any efforts were made by the perpetrators to inquire about the will of their victims.
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Crime Scenes
1 serial murder was committed in Austria (case 4), 1 in Switzerland (case 6), and 10 in Germany. In 2 cases (1 and 6), both care homes and clinics were the scene of the crimes. In 3 cases, crimes occurred only in care homes and in 7 cases crimes occurred only in clinics. 4 homicides were committed in intensive care units (ICU) and 3 in peripheral hospital wards ([Table 1]).
In retrospect, it always turned out that the perpetrators were significantly more often present in near-death emergency and/or dying situations than other colleagues.
At 8 crime scenes, grossly negligent handling of medications was discovered. In the case of greatly increased consumption of medications or missing medications, there was an inappropriate reaction or no reaction at all. In cases 4, 7 and 11, for example, it went unnoticed that drugs were repeatedly used, re-ordered, and delivered without authorization, even though the patients in question had no indications for the mishandled medications and that these medications had not been prescribed by a doctor.
The post-mortem examinations were not performed thoroughly or competently at any crime scene. In several cases, extensive hematomas and conspicuous puncture marks were not questioned or were overlooked. In case 5, post-mortem examinations were repeatedly delayed and notably superficial. In case 4, they were repeatedly omitted altogether.
In all of the serial murders, it became clear throughout the course of the legal investigation that colleagues had noticed conspicuous behavior at an early stage. People talked about it and rumors circulated, but they did not speak directly to the conspicuous colleague about it. In at least 5 cases, the later-convicted perpetrators were given suggestive nicknames at an early stage, such as witch, angel of death, and executor. During the court proceedings in cases 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, and 11, it came to light that targeted hints about suspicious behaviour from colleagues were given to superiors. In case 7, for example, concerned employees contacted superiors several times because they had observed suspicious behavior from Mr M they were told off and silenced. In case 9, no one approached Mrs O directly about her conspicuous behavior. Colleagues reported this to the ward manager, who in turn informed the management of the nursing department. There was no reaction, according to the nursing management, “because of the increased volume of work” [11]. In Oldenburg, the managing director at the time declared it “almost impossible” that Mr T had accidentally caused the near-death emergencies. He nevertheless asked the nurses’ union council to maintain secrecy and to motivate Mr T to leave the hospital. A nurse in case 11 observed Mr T. injecting something into a patient who had to be resuscitated shortly afterwards. She reported the incident to her ward manager. He said, “Don’t be like that. Youʼll have to live with it” [12].
The majority of the perpetrators acted alone. However, it was determined that the perpetrators in cases 4 and 10 acted in collaboration with others. Additionally, there were incidents at 2 crime scenes (cases 4 and 5) that suggest connivance or consent to the killings. Mrs F (case 4) was asked by a colleague to accompany her to a dying patient: “Go with me, maybe it will go faster.” Another colleague commented in the staff circle about a seriously ill patient: “He can’t die because Mrs F is not there.” In Gütersloh (case 5), a colleague commented to Mr K about 3 patients before he started the night shift: “I donʼt want to see them here tomorrow.” The next morning, these 3 patients were dead. Mr K reported at the end of the night shift, “Order executed” [13]. All perpetrators denied in court that they had been directly approached about their suspicious behavior. However, at the same time, the perpetrators were convinced that their colleagues had noticed their actions. Several claimed that they had interpreted the lack of reactions as tacit agreement.
Hidden conflicts were festering at almost all crime scenes, contributing to a tense working atmosphere. Obvious mistakes and first boundary violations and assaults were not addressed directly and personally. Additionally, resignation and disinterest set in at many crime scenes.
The periods in which crimes occurred varied between 1 day (case 12) and 72 months (case 4). In the period between the first internal suspicions surfacing and the arrest of the later perpetrator (latent period), at least 90 further killings occurred ([Table 5]).
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Methods of Killing
16 perpetrators took precise and direct action with the intention of causing immediate death. Mr T (case 11) misused medication to provoke near-death emergencies, which, in at least 87 cases, ended with the death of the poisoned victims. Non-prescribed drugs were predominantly used as the killing agents, including insulin, digitalis, sedatives, muscle relaxants, anesthetics, antiarrhythmics, analgesics, antihypertensives, neuroleptics, and potassium chloride (KCl).
Mr K (case 5) killed his victims with air injections.
Direct violence alone was the cause of death in 2 homicide series (cases 8 and 12). Mrs N (case 8) suffocated her victims with a pillow and Mrs U (case 12) killed her victims by stabbing them with a knife. In both cases, the crime scene was a care home. Here, crime scene-specific means of killing did not play a role. In 3 series of killings (cases 4, 6, and 10), the 8 perpetrators used both drugs and mechanical force, e. g. by closing the airways with pillows or plastic sheets. In case 4, death by suffocation was caused by a method known in the perpetratorsʼ jargon as “mouth care”. Here – in combination with flunitrazepam – the swallowing reflex was suppressed by applying pressure to the base of the tongue with a spatula. At the same time, the victim was given water that could not be swallowed but had to be inhaled ([Table 6]).
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Perpetrators
The 17 convicted perpetrators (9 women, 53 %; 8 men, 47 %) all belonged to the nursing profession. 8 perpetrators were employed as nursing assistants: 4 in a clinic (case 4) and 4 in care homes. 9 perpetrators worked as registered nurses. The average age was 33.8 years. 9 lived alone while 7 had a partner or were divorced. 5 of the 17 perpetrators had been temporarily psychiatrically treated. 2 of the 17 perpetrators had previous convictions for traffic offences or offences against property. 5 perpetrators were banned from the profession, and in the case of 12 perpetrators, the courts refrained from imposing a ban for various reasons ([Table 7]). Mr D (case 2) received the lowest sentence of 7 years. 11 perpetrators received life sentences ([Table 4]).
All perpetrators were psychiatrically examined. 15 of them had full capacity; Mr D (case 2) and Mrs U (case 12) were assessed as having diminished capacity. Only in her case was placement in a forensic psychiatric ward ordered due to an emotionally unstable personality disorder ([Table 8]).
In the case of almost all perpetrators, character abnormalities and prominent personality traits were identified in retrospect, which had not been particularly noticeable beforehand ([Table 8]). 3 offenders (cases 2, 11, and 12) had received temporary psychiatric treatment. Retrospectively, different personality changes in the offenders became apparent, which had developed over an extended period of time. For example, increased withdrawal, distanced and cold relationships, reservedness, tension, cynical and denigrating comments, rough language, and aggressive outbursts were observed. An above-average insecurity and pronounced narcissistic personality traits were found in all perpetrators. The insecurity was perceived by the perpetrators as a weakness, not something compatible with their self-image and therefore concealed and repressed. None of the perpetrators sought to talk to others or sought professional help. It is very likely that the perpetrators were not approached about these changes in their personality.
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Motives
In all of the cases, there was not a single motive that was the deciding factor for the acts, but rather a unique and individual combination of motives. In retrospect, it became clear that the development leading up to the willingness to commit a crime had always taken place over a long period of time. In the case of 4 perpetrators, the motive ultimately remained unclear (cases 2, 5, 8, 12). In the case of 5 perpetrators, a strong striving for power and recognition was at the center of their attention (cases 1, 10, and 11). In Germany, Mr T is archetypal for this cluster of motives. He said that he needed the thrill and wanted attention from others. In contrast, 8 perpetrators (cases 3, 4, 6, 7, and 9) claimed to have acted out of compassion for the victims. An example of this is Mr M (case 7), who wanted to spare patients suffering in their hopeless situation ([Table 6]).
Throughout the course of psychiatric evaluations and during the court hearings, the personality structure and the expressed motives of the perpetrators were questioned. It was found that the perpetrators, in fact, could not bear the condition of their patients and their own situation, and gained personal relief by killing directly or provoking near-death emergencies. It was not the supposed well-being of the victims, but the perpetrators’ own misperceptions and judgements that guided their actions. For example, Mr M said: “I was relieved in some way and had the feeling that someone was redeemed.” Or in the words of Mrs O: “But all of a sudden I also saw a certain misery in people – so I thought – you have misery – so do they – and you bring it to an end for them”. Mr T is archetypal for the striving for dominance and power: The admiration of his colleagues was like a “charging station” for his self-esteem. The perpetrators countered their own powerlessness, which has become unbearable for them, with near-death emergencies initiated by the perpetrator or direct killings and thus temporarily reduced the inner conflict tensions they were experiencing.
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Discussion
It is clear that homicides in clinics and care homes are particularly difficult to detect, especially when a caregiver is intent on killing. Although clinics and care homes are places where deaths occur frequently and where death is a normal part of everyday life, no one expects such crimes to occur in these contexts. Of the 939,572 deaths in 2019, 428,753 (≈46 %) occurred in hospitals alone [14]. The killing agents are easily accessible and often leave few noticeable traces. Physical contact is part of everyday life and thus, when only examined superficially, the acts appear to be medical/nursing procedures, if they are not completely covered up.
In hospitals and care homes, nursing and medical staff are the two professional groups that have direct contact with patients or residents as well as direct access to medications and medical or nursing equipment. In the vast majority of cases, substances and means used to carry out the killings were specific to the healthcare field. The legally convicted perpetrators in this study belong exclusively to the nursing profession. Almost half of the perpetrators (8 persons) had only limited qualifications for the nursing profession. However, due to the small number of cases, no causal relationship can be drawn by this study between low qualification and perpetration. As well, no claims can be made about why only those from the nursing profession appear in these court cases.
In the German population as a whole, the proportion of women is around 50 % [15]. In contrast, the proportion of women in the nursing profession is around 84 % [16]. Taking all homicides in Germany into consideration, regardless of the crime scene, the proportion of male perpetrators is about 85 %. In the homicides in hospitals and care homes investigated in this study, 47 % of the perpetrators are male, although they only have a share of about 16 % in the nursing profession. In the general population, men are thus about 5 to 6 times more likely to be perpetrators than women. In clinics and care homes, men are about 4 to 5 times more likely to be the perpetrators. The proportion of male perpetrators therefore also predominates in homicides in clinics and care homes, albeit to a somewhat lesser extent.
The average age of the perpetrators was 33.8 years, which is below the average age of workers in the healthcare profession where 56 % are older than 40 years [16]. The personality changes of the perpetrators before their conviction were noted before their arrest and became clear retrospectively. The fear of falsely accusing suspected perpetrators contributed to the reluctance of colleagues to act or speak up and thus to a delayed investigation. Other barriers to detection which delayed investigation included: the slowly increasing willingness of the perpetrators to commit the crimes as well as the colleagues’ and supervisors’ lack of knowledge, carelessness, work overload, conflicts, lack of willingness to investigate the situation, and the fear of damaging the reputation of the hospital. In the phases where first conspicuous behaviors were noticed and no reactions were made, further killings occurred. In retrospect, these additional killings could have been largely avoided. Crucially, periods of crime were prolonged because superiors did not adequately follow up on a voiced suspicion and did not seek direct contact with the suspect and, in case of doubt, inform the investigating authorities.
Two groups of perpetrators can be distinguished on the basis of the sequence of events. The significantly larger group committed acts to cause immediate death. A rather small group – also in international comparison [17] – initiated near-death emergencies. In the German-speaking legal area, only Mr T belongs to this later group.
The interplay of individual disposition and negative influencing factors at the workplace is conducive to committing such crimes. In the case of individual disposition, the consistently present strongly pronounced insecurity in oneself in connection with accentuated narcissistic personality traits are fundamental [18]. Individuals with such a disposition evidently find it very challenging to accompany others in states of suffering within the limited framework of possibilities offered by their profession. In the long run, the perpetrators develop a sense of helplessness that feels unbearable to them, which remains unspoken and is not openly addressed by their immediate colleagues. The perpetratorʼs own subjective discomfort and the actual or assumed suffering of the victim became the source of a toxic cluster of motives. After a longer period of time, the pent-up inner tension from the conflict was finally released through direct killings or near-death emergencies. Temporarily, one’s own powerlessness was overcome, and control regained.
Negative influencing factors in the workplace include inadequate staffing levels, non-present and/or unavailable supervisors, and prolonged unresolved conflicts. In any case, inadequate staffing in terms of quality and quantity is associated with increased mortality [19]. A working atmosphere in which initial misconduct and signs of brutalization are not recognized and not addressed directly and personally has proven to be particularly risky for prolonged periods of crime and high numbers of victims. Hospital managements that have refrained from police investigations because of feared “damage to the hospitalʼs reputation” have contributed to the increase in the number of victims.
A prerequisite for risk minimization is that employees are informed about acts of violence in clinics and care homes and know about the susceptibility to abuse of asymmetrical relationships [20]. The belief that such things cannot occur in one’s own institution has proven to be a barrier to detection. In principle, killings are possible in every hospital and in every care home. Any conspicuous occurrences must be recognized and addressed at an early stage. Indications of an increased risk can be different combinations of the following warning signs:
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Marked insecurity in oneself and conspicuous search for praise
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Striving for prestige and dominance, lack of empathy, and egoism
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Changes in personality
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Cynical and coarse language
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Accumulation of unexpected deaths or near-death emergencies
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Similarity of the pattern of the clinical course among victims just before death
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Frequent presence of the same colleague in cases of near-death emergencies or death
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Increased use of medications
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Suspicious nicknames
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Negligent autopsy without toxicological testing
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Inaction of superiors
It must be registered and addressed with the suspicious colleague if personality changes are noticed, e. g. increased withdrawal behavior, increased irritability, or verbal coarseness. The use of suspicious nicknames, e. g. “angel of death” or relevant rumors must be followed up on. It must be made possible to compare duty times with death and resuscitation cases at the facility at any time in order to identify the frequent presence of a particular employee at an early stage. Medication usage must be critically reviewed and monitored. Finally, mortuary inspections and toxicological examinations must be expanded and improved.
However, controls alone will not sufficiently reduce the risks. This requires thorough investigation, reciprocal attentiveness among colleagues, close observation, detailed information, and communication. However, these tasks can only be carried out where enough qualified staff have enough time and where direct discussion with patients, clients, and colleagues is encouraged.
Prevention is imperative for the very reason that we know little about the dark field of homicides in hospitals and care homes. In comparison to all crime scenes, about 11 000–22 000 non-natural deaths (e. g. suicides and accidents) remain undetected in Germany every year, among them 1200–2400 homicide victims [21]. Criminological research results show that only up to 50 % of all intentional and negligent homicides are reported to the police [22]. There is some evidence that the number of unreported cases in hospitals and care homes is higher, if only because a deceased person does not raise too many alarms and the possibility of killing with few traces is almost always available. An urgent need for research on this complex of topics is also suggested by the results of a study conducted in the fall of 2018. Of the 2507 physicians surveyed, 46 (1.83 %) reported having performed active interventions or treatments with the goal of immediate termination of life in 226 cases in the past 24 months. These 46 physicians had not been asked to perform euthanasia. In contrast, of the 2683 nurses, 27 (1 %) performed active euthanasia in this sense on 99 patients without being requested to do so [23].
The issue of serial murder in hospitals and care homes should receive more scientific and public health attention.
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Serial murders in clinics and care homes were publicly recognized repeatedly over the past few years, and there is likely a high number of unreported cases.
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Motives for the crimes are complex, often having been developed over a long timeframe; at their core, they consist of hidden insecurity, a striving for power, and a desire for recognition.
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As a preventive measure, attention must be made to staff members who are conspicuously frequently present during resuscitations or deaths.
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Personality changes of an employee in combination with crude and cynical language and conspicuous nicknames must be considered as serious early warning signs.
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If there are reasonable grounds for suspicion, the responsible investigating authorities must be informed at an early stage.
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Correspondence
Publication History
Article published online:
06 September 2022
© 2022. The Author(s). This is an open access article published by Thieme under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonDerivative-NonCommercial License, permitting copying and reproduction so long as the original work is given appropriate credit. Contents may not be used for commecial purposes, or adapted, remixed, transformed or built upon. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
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References
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